Recognizing Cultural and Ethnic Differences

Phillips makes the point that this tension is just about visible in cities, "which bring together heterogeneous individuals where both faces of cultural pluralism are so prominently displayed" (249).

2. Marx's view that class status is a function of who controls the means of value deed seems valid in explaining why the great mass of battalion who have only their labor to sell and who do non control their own hiring practices helps explain why so many a(prenominal) of the populate Ehrenreich describes hold down more than whizz logical argument just to make their rent (170). Ehrenreich besides cites the powerlessness of employees love seat employers in her account of the Wal-Mart job: "You're handed the application digit and, a few days later, you're being handed the uniform. . . . There's no intermediate point in the process in which you anticipate the potential employer as a free agent" (149).

However, Weber's thinking that "noneconomic institutions are in addition substantial in determining where one fits in the mixer hierarchy" (Phillips 277) is also in distinguish in Ehrenreich. The supervisors and petty entrepreneurs Ehrenreich encountered in her various jobs were not elites. At Wal-Mart the supervisors functioned as factotums for the big corporation, using tactics of intimidation and belittlement to channelize that even in the tight employment markets who held institutional power. Ehrenreich gives the example, also in Minneapolis, of the Indian mote

metropolis of Brea. Business Retention and Attraction Plan. Internet site. 22 may 2005. Phillips, E. Barbara. City Lights: Urban-Suburban Life in the Global Society. 2nd ed. radical York: Oxford UP, 1996.

3. The concept of being in a situation where the social order is more fragile makes sense to me because of the relatively new-fashioned history of Southern California, where mass disturbances had a lot to do with the clash of different cultures. The biggest impact that I am witting of came in the early 1990s, when the police mangleicers videotaped beating Mr. Rodney King were acquitted. The dash that social order in Los Angeles broke down started off as a protest by blacks against the verdict of whites.

That was part proved by the attack on Reginald Denny (white) by a group of blacks in South Central Los Angeles (however, "urban strangers" (Phillips 248), also black, saved him).

l owner who does not keep his rooms clean save who "fixes me with a narrow-eyed stare--I'd better not 'trash' [my room]" (151).

4. Brea, California, describes itself as having a urban center council-manager form of government. Phillips says that in that form of city government the elected mayor is a less important leader than the city manager who actually oversees the bureaucracy (337). In Brea, however, the mayor is not independently elected by the people but instead is elected by colleagues of the city council to operate for a one-year term. Council elections are held every two years, but council members serve four-year terms. That means membership seats do not come up for a vote all in the same election years (City of Brea).

The relevance of Wright and Martin's analysis to Ehrenreich's text points up the inferences previously drawn from Weber's ideas and applies them to the American case. As a writer/investigator, Ehrenreich brought to her working-class experiment the perspective of expert and so was never in danger of being exploited in the manner of her coworkers. H
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